Phonetic and Phonological Transfer
By/ Brwa R. Sharif
Abstract:
This term
project sheds a light on phonetic and phonological contrasts on some languages
that influence on the acquisition of second and foreign languages. It is clear
that second and foreign language learners have sometimes difficulties in
pronunciation, like Kurdish, Persian, Arabic learners of English language
because of Influences of their first languages. I will talk about phonetic and
phonological differences, in which first language affect second or foreign
language acquisition.
Native
language influence
There are certain influences for acquisition second and foreign
languages in this term project we will focus on phonetics, phonemes, segments,
and supra segments.
1)
Phonetic differences
A phonetic description is necessary since
sounds in two languages often show different physical characteristics,
including both acoustic characteristics (the pitch of sound) and articulatory
characteristics (how mouth is widely open in producing a sound) (Odlin, 1997).
Two languages
frequently have sounds which may seem identical but which in fact are
acoustically different, such as American English /d/ as compared to
Saudi Arabian Arabic /d/. The duration of American English /d/ is shorter
at the end than Saudi Arabian Arabic /d/. But Flege’s analysis (1980, as
cited in Odlin, 1997) shows that learners can modify their production of sounds
so that their production comes closer to the target language norms, for
example, Saudi Arabian learners of English produce English /d/ but
neither fully native like nor target like, it is in between.
2)
Phonemic differences
A factor that influences inter-lingual
identifications is the set of relations implicit in the phonemic system of a
language. Scholes (1968, as cited in Odlin, 1997) has documented in his study
that non-native English speakers are likely to categorize foreign language
sounds largely in terms of the phonemic inventory of the native language. For
example, there are notoriously different phonemes between /l/ and /r/
in English language but there is not phonemic distinction between them in
Japanese and Korean languages, therefore they have difficulties to pronounce
them correctly.
According to Keshavarz (2012) in Persian
language / θ/ and / ð/ are not present, as a result Persian-speaking
learners of English have difficulties to pronounce them, and they may pronounce
(think) as /tɪnk/ or (then) as /den/.
3)
Syllable types
and consonant clusters
At first it is better to know
syllable, it is defined in Keshavarz 2012 as ‘is a unit of pronunciation
typically larger than a single sound and smaller than a word’. Because types of
syllables are also important in the acquisition of second and foreign language
as well as consonant clusters. For example, in English language there are 18
different types of syllables, while in other languages are different such as
Kurdish language in which there are only 6. therefore it would be difficult for
Kurdish learners of English to pronounce all English syllable types, and Karimi
(1994, as cited in Rahimpour, 2010) has documented that Kurdish language allow
2 consonants initially and 3 at the end, therefore whenever it is more than
that it would be difficult for Kurdish-speaking learners of English. As
Carlisle (2001, as cited by Keshavarz, 2012) has stated, the longer the onset
or coda, the more marked the syllable is considered to be. Consequently,
English syllable structure that allows up to three consonants word initially
and up to four consonants in the final position is extremely difficult for
Persian-speaking of English.
Types of
segmental errors
1)
Phonemic errors
Phonemic errors can arise when the
phonemic inventories of two languages differ. For example, many English
speakers have difficulty to pronounce /x/ and often fail to distinguish
minimal pairs such as /naxt/ and /nakt/, because it is not
present in English.
As Keshavarz (2012) states that some
phonological errors are due to lack of certain target language phonemes in the
learner’s mother tongue. And Rahimpour has
documented that English phonemes /θ/and / ð/ are absent in Kurdish. Therefore Kurdish learners of English have
difficulties to pronounce them correctly.
2)
Phonetic errors
Phonetic errors
involve cases of cross-linguistic equivalence at the phonemic but not the
phonetic level. For example, the German uvular /r/ and the English
retroflex /r/ are corresponding consonants in cognate forms such as
German rar and English rare, their acoustic
properties differ considerably. Moreover, speakers of American English are
normally not accustomed to using the uvula, whereas speakers in many regions of
Germany are. Therefore the /r/ sounds that English speakers are likely
to produce will thus differ considerably from the target language consonant.
3)
Allophonic errors
Allophonic errors can
arise in cases of inter-lingual identifications of phonemes in two languages.
For example, both English and German have a voiceless alveolar stop /t/,
but Americans are liable to pronounce acoustically it as voiced /d/ when
it occurs between vowels such as writer they pronounce it as wider. And
American learners of German language they may produce voiced instead of
voiceless, such as German bitter.
4)
Distributional
errors
Distributional errors can occur when
there are distributional differences in the combination of sounds. For example,
German has a phoneme /ts/ which is acoustically similar to the consonant
cluster found at the end of English words such as /its/ and /bits/.
Therefore speakers of English have no difficulty in pronouncing the German
phoneme when it occurs at the end of words, as in sitz (seat),
they do often have difficulty in pronouncing it at the beginning of words, as
in zu (/tsu/, to). When there are distributional differences in
the sounds of two languages, transfer errors may occur.
Thus the position of a sound within a
word or syllable can affect how easy a sound is to pronounce.
As it has been earlier explained,
because of the consonant clusters the Persian-speakers have difficulties to
pronounce some of the syllable types, therefore one of the major sources of
pronunciation errors of Iranian EFL learners is the complexity of consonant
clusters, the occurrence of more than one consonant in the onset or coda of a
syllable, especially in the initial position. This is because Persian does not
allow initial consonant clusters while in English up to three consonants can
occur syllable initially. As a result Persian-speakers of English automatically
insert a vowel before or in between the initial consonant clusters (Keshavarz,
2012), for example they may pronounce school as /eskuːl/ or street as / seterit/.
5)
Spelling
pronunciation of words
One of the other phonological errors
is the spelling pronunciation of words. That is, the learner tends to pronounce
words as they are spelled. For example, wild /wɪld/,
flood /flud/(Keshavarz,
2012).
6)
The problem of
silent letters
Another cause of pronunciation errors is
the problem of silent letters, which is similar to the previous type. In
English, certain letters are spelled but not pronounced. EFL learners since
they are likely to pronounce these silent letters such as, bomb as /bɒmb/,
calm as /kalm/, honest as /honest/ (Keshavarz, 2012).
Supra segmental patterns
The influences on pronunciation
frequently evident in suprasegmental contrasts involving stress, tone, rhythm,
and other factors.
1)
Stress patterns
Stress patterns are crucial in
pronunciation since they affect syllables and the segments that constitute
syllables, as seen in the stress alternation in English between certain nouns
and verbs (Odlin, 1997).
Combine v. /kəmˈbaɪn/
Combine n.
/ˈkɒm.baɪn/
Therefore when non-native speakers
do not use a stress pattern that is a norm in stress pattern, this can result
in a total misperception by listeners (Cutler, 1984, as cited in Odlin, 1997).
Bansal (1976, as cited in Odlin, 1997) argues that errors in stress are the
most important cause of unintelligibility in Indians, misidentifications by
listeners. For example, an Indian speaker for the word (division) may say/ˈdɪvɪʒ.
ə n/ and a British speaker may perceive as /ˈriː.dʒ ə n/.
For some words a change in the
position of stress in Kurdish language results in a change either in the
meaning of that word or a change in its grammatical status. berizî /bʌrˈzi/ here it means (height) as the stress is on the
last syllable, while the stress it is on the first syllable such as, berizî /ˈbʌrzi/ means (you are tall)(Jacub, 1993, as cited
in Rahimpour, 2011).
Keshavarz (2012) states that
students tend to transfer the phonological features of their native language to
those of the target language. For example, in Persian stress is predominantly
on the final syllable of words (e.g., sæ ndæ li ‘chair) while in English the
position of word stress is not so predictable and it varies according to parts
of speech and the number of syllables in a word. Therefore, Persian-speakers
learners of English, in many cases, tend to transfer rules of stress in their
MT to English words (e.g., putting primary stress on the final syllable of
words such as dentist as /den.ˈtɪst/ and alphabet/æl.fə.ˈbet/ instead of the
first syllable.
2)
Tone
A tone is a pitch element or
register added to a syllable to convey grammatical or lexical information (Loos, et al.,
2012) .
In tone languages pitch levels
have phonemic significance. For example, Mandarian Chinese syllable (Ma)
represents (mother) when it is used with a high level tone and represents
(horse) when it is used with a low rising tone. Therefore it appears to be true
that speakers of tone languages encounter difficulties in learning another
closely related tone language, Leung (1978, as cited in Odlin, 1997) notes that
Cantonese speakers often have difficulties with Mandarin and that such
difficulties are due in part to the tone system of the native language.
Pitch in English does not signal
phonemic distinctions as it does in Chinese, but it does convey important
information about speakers’ attitudes and emotional states. A study by Rintell
(1984, as cited in Odlin, 1997) suggests that speakers of Chinese have special
difficulty in identifying the emotional states of speakers of English; in
contrast to speakers of Spanish and Arabic.
Intonation signals help to structure
conversation by providing signals for opening and closings for the meaning of
turns (Brazil, Coulthard, and Johns, 1980, as cited in Odlin, 1997).
A similarity in suprasegmental
patterns of two languages can give a learner important advantages in learning
the syntax of the target language according to a study by Keller-Cohen (1979).
A similarity or dissimilarity
between native and target language intonation can affect production in other
ways. Adams (1979) attributes much of the divergence of ESL speakers’ speech
rhythms to the rhythmic systems in their native languages.
The cross-linguistic frequency of phonemes
Languages tend to have a mix of
sounds, some found in many languages, such has /i/, /u/ and /o/
all appeared in the phonemic inventories of over 250 languages out of 317, and
some not so commonly found, such as a voiceless pharyngeal fricative / ħ/ in Kurdish that appeared in only 12 other
languages (Mddison, 1984, as cited in Odlin, 1997). Any contrastive analysis is
likely to predict that both sounds / ħ/ and /x/
will cause difficulty for English-speaking learners of Kurdish but the facts of
cross-linguistic frequency suggest that / ħ/ will cause
far more difficulty (Briere, 1968, as cited in Odlin, 1997).
Common phonological rules
One rule that has proved to be
especially interesting involves consonant devoicing. In devoicing, a voiced
consonant becomes voiceless. In some languages certain consonants at the ends
of words become voiceless, for instance in German the final consonant of Rad
(‘wheel’) is pronounced the same as the final consonant in Rat
(‘advice’). Whereas in English there is not any rule such as devoicing
therefore according to Moulton (1926b, as cited in Odlin, 1997) English
speakers have little difficulty, in learning to pronounce Rad and
Rat identically.
There is other evidence of the
naturalness of the devoicing rule. Eckman (1981a, 1981b, as cited in Odlin,
1997) has documented cases of speakers of Cantonese and Spanish devoicing word
final stops in English even though such a rule does not exist in either the
native or target languages. For example, Cantonese speakers may pronounce pig
like pick even though Cantonese does not have a devoicing rule.
Syllable structure
Japanese speakers never devoice
final consonants; thus, words such as pig were not pronounced like pick but
instead often had a vowel added to create a second syllable as in /pigə /.
Eckman attributes such errors to syllable structure typology- Japanese is one
of many languages that allow very few consonants to occur at the end of a word.
Greenberg’s analysis (as cited in Odlin,
1997) indicates that languages are more likely to have syllables ending in two
voiceless consonants (e.g., /-ps/ as in tops) than to have syllables
ending in two voiced consonants (e.g., /-bd/ as in rubbed).
Conclusion
The more the phonetic and
phonological contrasts in first and second or foreign languages are, the more
for the learners are difficult to learn second or foreign languages. Therefore
some learners encounter some phonetic and phonological problems while they
learn other languages.
References
Keshavarz, M. H. (2012). Contrastive
Analysis & Error Analysis. Tahran: Rahnama Press.
Loos, E. E., Anderson,
S., Dwight, H., Day, J., Jordan, P. C., & Wingate, J. D. (Eds.). (2012,
April 23). What is tone? Retrieved from Glossary of linguistic terms:
http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsTone.htm
Odlin, T. (1997).
Language Transfer: Cross-linguistic influence in language learning
(Sixth Printing ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Rahimpour, M.
(2011). A Phonological Contrastive Analysis of Kurdish and English. International
Journal of English Linguistics, 10.
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